Sexual assault and alcohol consumption: what do we know about their relationship and what types of research are still needed?
Abstract
Approximately half of all sexual assaults are associated with either the perpetrator’s alcohol consumption, the victim’s alcohol consumption, or both. Although the emphasis of this review is on alcohol-involved sexual assaults, their unique aspects can only be evaluated by comparing them to other types of sexual assault. Theoretical perspectives on sexual assault that focus on characteristics of the perpetrator, the victim, and the situation are described. A number of personality traits, attitudes, and past experiences have been systematically linked to sexual assault perpetration, including beliefs about alcohol and heavy drinking. In contrast, only a few experiences have been significantly related to sexual assault victimization, including childhood sexual abuse and heavy drinking.
There is support for both psychological and pharmacological mechanisms linking alcohol and sexual assault. Beliefs about alcohol’s effects reinforce stereotypes about gender roles and can exacerbate their influence on perpetrators’ actions. Alcohol’s effects on cognitive and motor skills also contribute to sexual assault through their effects on perpetrators’ and victims’ ability to process and react to each other’s verbal and nonverbal behavior. Limitations with existing research and methodological challenges associated with conducting research on this topic are described. Suggestions are made for future research which can inform prevention and treatment programs.
Keywords: Sexual assault, Rape, Alcohol consumption, Prevention
1. Introduction
Since the 1970s, American feminist scholars have been concerned about the high rates of sexual assault among adolescent and adult women. During the last 30 years, many advances have been made in the measurement of sexual assault, but not in its prevention. This paper describes what is known about alcohol’s role in sexual assault, and what types of research are still needed to guide prevention efforts. Although the focus of this paper is on alcohol-involved sexual assault, it is described in the context of general information about sexual assault. The unique characteristics of alcohol-involved sexual assaults cannot be determined without contrasting them with other sexual assaults. After describing definitions and prevalence rates, complementary models of alcohol’s role in sexual assault are reviewed. Very few methodologically rigorous studies have been conducted that evaluate these models. Thus, this paper ends with suggestions for future research.
2. Sexual assault incidence and prevalence rates
2.1. Definitions
Rape is usually defined as vaginal, anal, or oral sexual intercourse obtained through force or threat of force; a lack of consent; or inability to give consent due to age, intoxication, or mental status. Sexual assault is a more inclusive term, used to describe the full range of forced sexual acts including physically forced kissing or touching, verbally coerced sexual intercourse, and physically forced vaginal, oral, and anal penetration. Each state uses its own definition of criminal sexual behavior; however, these definitions conform to federal law and most state laws (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1995; Koss, 1996). This paper reviews theories of adolescent and adult sexual assault. Childhood sexual abuse is defined somewhat differently (e.g., can include exhibitionism), has different characteristics, and some different consequences (see Davis & Petretic-Jackson, 2000; Finkelhor, 1990 for reviews).
This paper focuses on female victims and male perpetrators. Research from national studies indicate that less than 5% of adolescent and adult sexual assault victims are male (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1995; Tjaden & Thoennes, 2000). Perpetrators of these assaults are also usually male (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1995).
Police reports, national random samples of crime victims, interviews with incarcerated rapists, interviews with victims who seek hospital treatment, general population surveys of women, and surveys of men and women college students have all been used to provide estimates of sexual assault incidence and prevalence (see reviews by Crowell & Burgess, 1996; Spitzberg, 1999). When women are asked to report their experiences of rape and sexual assault, the precise phrasing of the questions strongly affects their responses. Studies that describe the behaviors that constitute sexual assault in simple, nonlegal language provide the best estimates because they include victims and perpetrators who do not realize that their experience fits the legal definition of sexual assault (Koss, 1992). Four different sources of data are included below: community samples of women, college samples of women, community samples of men, and college samples of men. There have been many more studies assessing female victims’ experiences than male perpetrators’ experiences, however, it is important to consider both sources of data. Our goal is not to provide an exhaustive review, but to highlight some of the most influential and/or recent studies.
2.2. Community samples of women
Kilpatrick et al. (National Victim Center, 1992) conducted a national probability survey of 4008 women to determine the lifetime prevalence of rape. Their introduction specifically noted that “Women do not always report such experiences to police” and four behaviorally specific items assessed rape victimization. They found that 13% of American women had been the victim of a completed rape. Seventy-eight percent of the women knew their assailant; 19% of assailants were boyfriends or spouses.
The National Institute of Justice and the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention recently co-sponsored a study of violence against women (Tjaden & Thoennes, 1998). Telephone interviews were conducted with a nationally representative sample of 8000 women and used five behaviorally specific questions to measure attempted and completed rape victimization. Eighteen percent of the women reported that they had been the victims of rape. Only 14% of these rapes were committed by a stranger; 76% were committed by a spouse or date.
Several recent studies have documented extremely high sexual assault rates among women in the military. Merrill et al. (1998) examined prevalence of sexual assault victimization in a sample of 1891 women Navy recruits. Forty-five percent of these women reported being the victim of attempted or completed rape before joining the military. In a representative survey of more than 3000 women veterans, 23% had been sexually assaulted while they were in the military (Skinner et al., 2000).
2.3. Samples of college women
Many researchers have examined the prevalence of sexual assault among college students. There are both scientific and pragmatic reasons for this approach. Although sexual assault occurs to women throughout the lifespan, it is most common in late adolescence and early adulthood (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1995; National Victim Center, 1992). Approximately one-quarter of this age group is in college (U.S. Bureau of the Census, 1996).
The first of these studies was conducted by Kirkpatrick and Kanin (1957), who surveyed 291 college women from 22 different university classes. Twenty-eight percent of these women had experienced attempts of “offensive” intercourse on a date during the previous year. The specific question used by Kirkpatrick and Kanin was phrased somewhat vaguely, both in terms of whether or not the act was completed and what form of pressure or force was used. This was because of their concern about embarrassing participants to the point that they would not complete the questionnaire. Thus, it is difficult to know exactly what types of events were included or how to compare these data to that gathered in later studies. Nonetheless, 6% of these incidents involved “menacing threats or coercive infliction of physical pain” (p. 53). This early study is noteworthy because it demonstrated that sexual assault was an issue on college campuses long before this problem was openly discussed.
Koss, Gidycz, and Wisniewski (1987) surveyed 3187 women and 2972 men students from 32 colleges selected to represent the higher education enrollment in the United States. Ten behaviorally specific questions were used to assess women’s experiences with forced sexual contact (not involving penetration), verbally coerced sexual intercourse, attempted rape, and rape. Since the age of 14, 15% of the women had experienced an act that met the standard legal definition of completed rape; an additional 12% had experienced attempted rape. Fifty-four percent of the women had experienced some form of sexual assault. Eighty-four percent of the women knew their assailant; 57% were dates. These findings have been replicated by other researchers at various universities (Abbey, Ross, McDuffie, & McAuslan, 1996a; Kalof, 1993; Mills & Granoff, 1992; Muehlenhard & Linton, 1987; Neal & Mangis, 1995). Recently, Brener, McMahon, Warren, and Douglas (1999) examined the prevalence of rape among a representative sample of 4609 female college students. Although they used only a single question to assess rape, they found that 15% of these students had been the victim of a completed rape since the age of 15. This is identical to the completed rape rate reported 12 years earlier by Koss et al. (1987).
2.4. Prospective studies of sexual assault victimization
Almost all of the sexual assault prevalence studies have been cross-sectional. A few authors have conducted prospective studies of sexual assault victimization during college (Gidycz, Coble, Latham, & Layman, 1993: Greene & Navarro, 1998; Himelein, 1995). For example, Himelein (1995) surveyed 100 women at freshmen orientation and again 32 months later. She focused specifically on sexual assaults that occurred on dates. Eight percent of these women were raped on a date since being in college; 29% experienced some level of sexual assault on a date.
Two prospective community surveys found dramatically different sexual assault incidence rates. In a 2-year follow-up of their telephone survey of a national probability sample of 3006 American women, Kilpatrick, Acierno, Resnick, Saunders, and Best (1997) found that 1.6% experienced a new rape since the initial interview. Testa and Livingston (2000) conducted in-depth, in-person interviews with 93 single women who drank at bars and parties and were sexually active. Thirty-one percent of these women had been sexually assaulted between the initial and 1-year follow-up interview; 14% had been raped. Kilpatrick et al.’s (1997) study has the advantage of being a large, representative study. However, reported rape rates may have been low because participants were reluctant to describe their experiences on the telephone. Testa and Livingston’s results are clearly not generalizable to the entire population; however, they document the high prevalence rate among an important subgroup: young, single, women who are actively dating and who drink alcohol.
2.5. Community samples of men
Very few community surveys of men’s sexual assault perpetration have been conducted. Calhoun, Bernat, Clum, and Frame (1997) surveyed 65 young men (average age of 19) in rural Georgia who had previously participated in a longitudinal study of youth. Using Koss et al.’s (1987) measure, 22% of these men reported committing a sexual assault; 6% reported committing an act that met the standard definition of completed rape. Senn, Desmarais, Verberg, and Wood (2000) randomly sampled 195 men from one small Canadian city. Twenty-seven percent of these men perpetrated some form of sexual assault during their lifetime; 8% reported committing an attempted or completed rape. Merrill et al. (1998) surveyed 1754 adult, male U.S. Navy recruits. Fifteen percent of these men reported that they had perpetrated rape or attempted rape before entering the service. Sexual assault prevalence rates were similar for recruits regardless of ethnicity, parents’ income, education, or geographic region. Ageton (1983) conducted interviews with a national probability sample of 1494 youth aged 11–17. Perpetration rates varied based on the year the data was collected and the participant’s age. The highest rate of sexual assault was reported by 17-year-olds interviewed in 1978; 8% of these young men indicated that they had committed one or more sexual assaults. Across ages and cohorts, approximately 3% of adolescent men reported perpetrating a sexual assault. More than 85% of the perpetrators knew the victim; the vast majority of these sexual assaults were committed on dates.
2.6. Samples of college men
Most data about men’s self-reported perpetration rates come from studies of college students. In Koss et al.’s (1987) national study of college students, 7.7% of the men reported that they had committed an act that met the standard legal definition of attempted or completed rape since the age of 14. Twenty-five percent of these men reported that they had committed some form of sexual assault since the age of 14. In studies at individual universities and colleges, up to 15% of the men surveyed have indicated that they perpetrated rape and up to 57% indicated that they perpetrated some form of sexual assault (Abbey, McAuslan, & Ross, 1998; Craig, Kalichman, & Follingstad, 1989; Kanin, 1985; Mills & Granoff, 1992; Muehlenhard & Linton, 1987; Rapaport & Burkhart, 1984). More than 80% of these sexual assaults occurred with women these college perpetrators knew; about half occurred on dates.
3. The prevalence of alcohol-involved sexual assault
Researchers consistently find that approximately half of all sexual assaults are committed by a man who has been drinking alcohol. On average, 50% of convicted rapists consumed alcohol at the time of the assault; a rate that is comparable to that for other violent crimes (Coid, 1986; Collins & Messerschmidt, 1993; Johnson, Gibson, & Linden, 1978; Rada, 1975; Scully, 1991; Vinogradov, Dishotsky, Doty, & Tinklenberg, 1988). Similarly, in Ageton’s (1983) survey of adolescent community sexual assault perpetrators, approximately half of the offenders were drinking prior to the assault. College studies provide similar estimates (Abbey et al., 1998; Koss, 1988; Muehlenhard & Linton, 1987). For example, Abbey et al. (1998) found that 47% of the college men in their sample who acknowledged committing sexual assault were drinking alcohol at the time of the assault.
Similarly, about half of all sexual assault victims report that they were drinking alcohol at the time of the assault (Greene & Navarro, 1998; Harrington & Leitenberg, 1994; Koss, 1988; Miller & Marshall, 1987; Muehlenhard & Linton, 1987; Presley, Meilman, Cashin, & Leich-liter, 1997; Seifert, 1999; Stermac, Du Mont, & Dunn, 1998; Tyler, Hoyt, & Whitbeck, 1998). Many of the community studies described above did not ask sexual assault victims if they had been drinking alcohol, thus much of these data come from college samples. For example, Harrington and Leitenberg (1994) found that 55% of the sexually assaulted college women in their study were at least somewhat drunk at the time of the incident. Stermac et al. (1998) interviewed 1162 women at a sexual assault crisis center. They found that 38% of the women reported being under the influence of alcohol during their assault. In the vast majority of sexual assaults, if either the perpetrator or the victim had consumed alcohol, then both had (Harrington & Leitenberg, 1994; Ullman, Karabatsos, & Koss, 1999a).
As will be described in more detail later, sexual assault surveys do not usually include detailed assessment of the quantity of alcohol consumed or level of intoxication at the time of the assault. Thus, all that is known is who was drinking near the time of the sexual assault, not how much they drank or how intoxicated they were. In one exception, Muehlenhard and Linton (1987) found that dates in which college men and women felt moderately or extremely intoxicated were more likely to involve sexual assault than dates that involved mild intoxication or no alcohol consumption. In another study that used a similar methodology, men drank more on dates that included sexual assault than on self-defined “worst” dates (Abbey, McAuslan, Zawacki, Clinton, & Buck, 2001). Additionally, the strong correlation between perpetrators’ and victims’ alcohol consumption makes it difficult to examine the independent effects of each individual’s intoxication.
4. Theoretical explanations for the relationship between alcohol and sexual assault
A causal relationship between alcohol consumption and sexual assault perpetration is not demonstrated by the fact that approximately half of all men who committed sexual assault were drinking alcohol at the time of the incident. Some men may consciously or unconsciously drink alcohol prior to committing sexual assault in order to justify their behavior. In these cases, the desire to commit sexual assault would be the cause of the perpetrator’s alcohol consumption. Alternatively, personality characteristics, such as narcissism, or life experiences, such as witnessing parental violence in childhood, may lead some men both to drink heavily and to commit sexual assault. In these cases, both alcohol consumption and sexual assault are motivated by other factors.
Each of these explanations has merit and is likely true for some perpetrators. It is our premise that alcohol often acts in a synergistic manner with other variables. As described in more detail below, a man who believes that his date has led him on and acted like she wanted to have sex sometimes feels justified in committing rape. If this man has been drinking alcohol, his likelihood of committing rape is increased.
Social scientists have distinguished between causality and responsibility (Shaver, 1987). Knowing that alcohol contributes to sexual assault does not diminish a perpetrator’s responsibility. Men are morally and legally responsible for sexual assaults that they commit, regardless of whether or not they were intoxicated. Although women’s alcohol consumption may increase their likelihood of experiencing sexual assault, this does not make them responsible for the man’s behavior. Women can empower themselves by identifying actions which may put them at risk, without feeling responsible.
The following sections of the paper consider a variety of explanations for alcohol’s role in sexual assault. As noted above, general explanations of sexual assault are also described because alcohol can exacerbate processes that can occur without alcohol. First, characteristics of perpetrators are considered: personality, attitudes and beliefs, and past experiences. Second, characteristics of victims are considered. Both of these literatures have considered beliefs about alcohol and alcohol consumption as predictors of sexual assault. Then situational characteristics of sexual assault situations are examined. Many of these studies have contrasted alcohol-involved sexual assaults with sexual assaults that do not involve alcohol. This is a vast literature to review in one paper, thus, the description of some issues is relatively brief (review papers are cited for the interested reader). The quality of existing research varies dramatically, and throughout the paper methodological limitations and gaps in the literature are described. In the final section of the paper, concrete suggestions are made for future research to address these shortcomings.
5. Perpetrators’ personality characteristics, attitudes, and experiences
There are many reasons that men commit sexual assault, and different perpetrators can be motivated by different factors (Malamuth, Sockloskie, Koss, & Tanaka, 1991; O’Neil & Harway, 1999; Prentky & Knight, 1991; Seto & Barbaree, 1997). As Barbaree and Marshall (1991) observed, sexual assault always involves an integration of sexual and aggressive motives, although their relative strength may vary among different types of perpetrators. This section of the review separately describes personality, attitudinal, and experiential factors that have been associated with sexual assault perpetration and are summarized in Table 1. For any one perpetrator, these factors will interact. There are two primary sources of data: incarcerated rapists and college students. Very few sexual assault perpetrators are ever convicted; thus incarcerated rapists represent a very small subgroup of all perpetrators. Incarcerated samples overrepresent stranger rapists, assaults that involve the most physical violence and injuries, and low-income, minority perpetrators (Seto & Barbaree, 1997). College student perpetrators represent a more diverse group because most have not been arrested or convicted, knew the victim well, did not use extreme force, and are middle class (Koss, 1988). The extent to which these two groups of perpetrators represent the entire population of sexual assault perpetrators is unknown until etiological research is conducted with nationally representative samples of men.
Domestic Abuse Bill
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Committee (2nd Day)
1.31pm
Relevant documents: 21st and 28th Reports from the Delegated Powers Committee
Clause 7: General functions of Commissioner
Debate on Amendment 21 resumed.
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My Lords, when she introduced Amendment 21, the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay of Llandaff, talked about alcohol abuse and gave several examples of the distress that it can cause not only to the people involved in the relationship but also to the children. The noble Lord, Lord Brooke of Alverthorpe, also mentioned alcohol, and the noble Lord, Lord Marks of Henley-on-Thames, talked about the symbiotic link
“between substance abuse, mental health issues and domestic abuse”.—[Official Report, 25/1/21; col. 1495.]
The noble Lord, Lord Hunt of Kings Heath, pointed the finger squarely at the Government, blaming them for many of the problems that crop up simply because of their cuts to the funding of addiction services.
I come at this from a slightly different perspective. The Green Party recognises that, in the majority of cases, the limited use of drugs for recreational purposes is not harmful; it actually has the potential to improve well-being and even enhance human relationships and creativity. However, most harmful drug use is underpinned by poverty, isolation, mental or physical illness and psychological trauma—in these cases, harmful drug use can cause a vicious circle. As such, the Green Party focuses on minimising not only drug abuse but the social ills that lead to it—so we take a health-focused approach to it.
This group of amendments, tabled by the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, is an important step towards minimising harms caused by problem drug abuse. My reading of them is that they focus on both abusers and survivors so that we can address the issues in a much more holistic and comprehensive way. The Bill will have a gaping hole if it does not properly address the complex relationships between domestic abuse and harmful drug use. The Government have shown willingness to adopt positive amendments and improve the Bill, so I hope that Amendment 21 and the others in this group will find favour with them and that we will see something come back on Report.
Baroness McIntosh of Pickering
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My Lords, it is a pleasure to follow the noble Baroness, Lady Jones of Moulsecoomb. She has an interesting perspective. I will speak to the amendments introduced by the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay of Llandaff. The noble Lords, Lord Brooke and Lord Hunt, have already spoken eloquently in their support.
We took evidence on this issue in the ad hoc committee on the Licensing Act 2003, which reported in 2017. Substance abuse in the form of alcohol was indirectly related to it—particularly when it was served to those who were already intoxicated.
I am sympathetic to these amendments. As the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay, mentioned, there can be—although not in every case—a relationship between the impact of substance abuse and addictions and the perpetration of domestic violence. This can lead to a severe deterioration in mental health, which may lead to the violent behaviour that, sadly, we often see.
I will focus my remarks on Amendment 94. This looks to local authorities to provide mental health support where necessary to the victims of domestic abuse where there is substance misuse. How might this work in practice? I am mindful of the helpful, comprehensive letter received from the office of the domestic abuse commissioner, which says, in relation to Part 4 of the Bill:
“The Commissioner has strongly welcomed the new statutory duty on local authorities to provide support to victims of domestic abuse and their children within refuges and other safe accommodation”.
Furthermore:
“The Commissioner has welcomed the funding secured by the MHCLG in the recent Spending Review of £125 million for councils to deliver this duty.”
If this group of amendments were to be carried, how they would work in practice? This is a question for the Minister and, indirectly, for the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay. I do not want to infer something that the domestic abuse commissioner has not said, but, reading between the lines, it appears that the approach set out in these amendments would not be unwelcome. How can we give practical effect to this group of amendments, given the limited budget available to local authorities and charities?
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My Lords, I thank the noble Baroness, Lady Finlay of Llandaff, for her leadership, and my noble friend Lord Brooke of Alverthorpe for addressing the specific components of mental health, alcohol and harmful substance misuse associated with violence. I commend the work of the noble Baroness, Lady Newlove, and support her call for the commissioner to have comprehensive resources and staff, as well as advisers to manage the many complexities and demands in this area.
The Bill offers a unique opportunity to coalesce resources and enhance a more radical and holistic approach and a shift in our national attitude to service provision. I generally support this group of amendments. I am a practitioner and leader of service delivery, having led the national four-year pilot project, Breaking the Cycle, which provided early and long-term family intervention and support. It is a timely reminder that we need to bring our responses to significant hidden harms and violence, long associated with addiction, into the fold of service development.
During the recent lockdown, the statistics have been laid bare, as our attention has fallen on preventing alcohol consumption in pubs and bars, without critical additional support being made available to victims of those who are addicted. Numbers have risen exponentially. Alcohol and substance addiction affects all communities, regardless of faith, race or cultural background, with a pernicious impact which often remains hidden. Many women are fearful of exploring and explaining the secrecy surrounding addiction and of mastering the necessary courage to seek help. Many may experience additional anxiety and fear of the toxicity of discrimination or of children being taken into care. These complexities can prevent many women seeking help and reporting their emotional, physical, sexual and financial abuse and safeguarding concerns.
This is why I support these amendments and their fundamental, underlying principles, specifically Amendments 21 and 42, and Amendment 94 regarding the responsibility that a local authority must have to ensure that service provision is available to all. Since its inception, the “Breaking the Cycle” project has supported thousands of families with its expertise, with particular attention on addressing the impact on children, eloquently detailed by noble Lords. There are no easy, immediate solutions except to say that it is crucial to bring these responsibilities into the commissioner’s purview and remit, with specialist staff and advisers. This must, at its core, be a diverse team, given that the client base will reflect the diversity of our population. All services must take on board servicing all victims and survivors, as a matter of core principle. I am delighted to support these amendments.
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My Lords, I support the amendments in the name of my noble friend Lady Finlay, particularly Amendments 94 and 21. These recognise the importance of substance abuse, addiction and mental health provision in the fight against domestic abuse. As the Committee has heard, these issues are a persistent factor for both perpetrators and victims of domestic abuse. People with mental health problems find themselves disproportionately victimised in domestic abuse settings and children can find themselves equally vulnerable. A Crying Shame, published by the Children’s Commissioner in 2018, highlighted 50,000 children aged nought to five, including 8,300 babies under one, living in households where the destructive impact of domestic abuse, alcohol or drug dependency and severe mental ill-health were all present. A further 160,000 children aged nought to five, including 25,000 babies under one, were living in a household where two of the three factors were present. The Bill represents a huge opportunity to deliver a step change in our response to domestic abuse and, therefore, can only benefit from the inclusion of the provision of mental health and substance abuse support.
I support Amendment 94 as a vital first step, as it requires local authorities to make an assessment of the need for, and publish a strategy on, the provision of substance use, addiction and mental health support for all victims and their children in relevant accommodation. Although the amendment specifically refers to support in “relevant accommodation”, the reality is that the vast majority of victims—an estimated 70%—never set foot in a refuge and remain at home or in alternative housing. Research by the UK women’s organisation Agenda shows that women who have experienced extensive physical and sexual violence are more likely to use alcohol or drugs problematically, compared to women who have not experienced it. While local authorities making these assessments and strategies in relevant accommodation is an important first step, we must consider opportunities for intervention and support for the majority who experience abuse but do not ever seek refuge.
Amendment 21 ensures that the provision of substance use, addiction and mental health support are identified in the Bill as areas for which the domestic abuse commissioner must encourage good practice. This support for those affected by domestic abuse should extend to perpetrators as well. As I argued in my speech on Amendment 172, specialist support for both victims and perpetrators of domestic abuse is a crucial component of ensuring that we actually break the cycle of abuse with this Bill. Fewer than 1% of perpetrators currently receive an intervention designed to change their behaviour. A lack of funding for perpetrator services was recently identified as the biggest issue by front-line practitioners across England and Wales. Based on evidence from SafeLives’ Every Story Matters platform, 74% of those surveyed wanted mental health support for perpetrators.
1.45pm
According to evidence from Substance Use and Domestic Abuse, by the British Association of Social Workers, there is a strong association between domestic abuse and substance abuse. Perpetrators may also use drug addiction to control their victims in ways such as limiting victims’ access to drugs, demanding sex for drugs or using drugs as an apology—or even a reward—after an abusive episode. It is important, therefore, that mental health and substance abuse support is recognised in the Bill as part of the breadth of good practice that the domestic abuse commissioner is to encourage.
These amendments are about changing the cultural and social landscape around domestic abuse. If we focus only on refuge, and not intervention and rehabilitation, especially in the context of mental health and substance abuse, we miss a crucial piece of the weaponry in breaking the cycle of domestic abuse.
